

Perhaps the most obvious way in which political disengagement is measured is through turnout figures. Thanks to its overt nature and ability to generate headlines, low turnout is a problem. One of the solutions to this problem is the fairly self-explanatory idea of compulsory voting.
Given that ballots are cast secretly, compulsory voting is not actually compulsory voting, but compulsory ballot casting, which is a little different. Leaving aside the semantics for now though, the basic idea of compulsory voting is that failure to turn up to a polling station on election day should be made illegal and met with a punishment, which, depending on where one lives, can range from a small fine to the threat of imprisonment (although there are no known cases of incarceration resulting directly from not voting).
There are many countries around the world that use compulsory voting, either in whole or in part. A list of them can be found by scanning the CIA World Factbook. Some countries, such as Venezuela and the Netherlands, used to have compulsory voting, but have since abolished it.
The exact nature of compulsory voting, where practised, differs around the world. A few examples are briefly investigated below:
Compulsory voting has existed in Belgium since 1892. Entering a polling booth is mandatory, but marking a ballot paper is not. After the election, a list of all non-attendees is sent to the office of the public prosecutor.
Prosecutions are carried out where there is an absence of a decent excuse. Explanations such as a medically certified illness, being abroad or an 'act of God' are usually good enough reasons to escape without punishment.
Punishments work on an upward scale. A first offence receives a small fine, which can rise for repeat offenders. Continued non-attendance can result in the offender being barred from the electoral list for 10 years, making them ineligible for a nomination, distinction or promotion by a public authority.
Voting has been compulsory in Australia since 1924. Like Belgium, once at the polling station, there is no obligation to complete a ballot paper.
Also like Belgium, a good excuse circumnavigates a punishment.
The set fine for non-attendance is $A20 (under £10). About 5 per cent of non-voters pay this straight away, with almost everyone else providing a valid reason for not voting. A few people take their case to court, where, if they lose, the fine rises to $A50 plus costs. Refusal to pay this can result in community service or a couple of days in jail.
In Brazil, voting is only compulsory if you're aged between 18 and 70 and literate. Voting for illiterates, 16 and 17 year olds and those over 70 is voluntary.
Similarly, in Ecuador, voting is compulsory except for those over 65 and illiterates, for whom it is optional.
Although in Greece, it is technically possible to go to prison for not voting, no one ever has and it is highly unlikely anyone ever will. Global punishments for non-attendance on election day tend to be rather benign.
Indeed, in many countries, compulsory voting law isn't enforced at all; the hope is that the mere existence of the law is enough to spur people into turning out, without having to worry about chasing down the rebels later on. The law exists more to strengthen the idea of civic responsibility than to force people to go and vote. In many places, this works, although not as effectively as where the law is more strictly enforced.
In Austria, for example, voting is compulsory in only two regions and despite both having weak sanctions, turnout is higher than the national average.
The most common punishment for non-compliance is a simple fine. However, there are other ways in which non-voters can lose out.
In Belgium, it is possible to become disenfranchised (this takes at least four elections and 15 years of not voting). In Peru, voters get a stamped voting card to carry around for months after the election to prove that they have voted. This card is required to obtain certain goods and services from some public offices.
A similar scheme is run in Bolivia, with people who can't prove that they voted left unable to claim their salary from the bank for three months after the election.
There are a range of other, less formal, inconveniences for non-voters, like not being able to get a job in Belgium's public sector, trouble getting a new passport or driving licence in Greece. In Italy, non-voters used to be 'named and shamed' in a list posted outside the local town hall, although this rarely happens now.
Some argue that there should be a box on the ballot paper to register an official abstention, particularly if voting is compulsory. It is argued that this is a reasonable concession to offer the reluctant voter, and a Bill arguing for compulsory voting presented to Parliament in 2001 by Gareth Thomas had this provision. However, by placing such a box on a ballot paper the electoral system would draw attention to the ‘None of the Above’ option and encourage it. The point of compulsory voting is to reverse the burden of effort and expectation from abstaining to voting, and to add an abstention box rather goes against this purpose. It is not unreasonable to expect someone intending to cast an invalid vote to figure it out for themselves.
In 2003, the Electoral Commission took a quick look at the issue of compulsory voting. They concluded that:
The Electoral Commission recognises that compulsory voting would not in itself address the underlying causes of low turnout, and in particular the apparent lack of engagement between potential voters and politics. However, the Commission believes there is merit in opening up the question of compulsory voting for wider debate, and that it should be examined in more detail as one of a series of options which might help to contribute to higher rates of participation in elections. The Commission will be conducting research into international use of compulsory voting as a first step.